Two-Spirit
Two-Spirit is a pan-Indigenous English-language umbrella coined in 1990, used by some Indigenous people in the United States and Canada for those who fill a traditional third-gender or other gender-variant role in their own communities. The people who made the word set the terms of its use at the same time: the identity does not make sense outside a Native American or First Nations cultural framework, and its use by non-Native people is a form of cultural appropriation. It is not an old word, it is not a translation of an old word, and both the English phrase and the Ojibwe niizh manidoowag were made at the same gathering.
What the record holds for Two-Spirit
First documented
1990
Coined at the Third Annual Inter-tribal Native American, First Nations, Gay and Lesbian American Conference in Winnipeg, Manitoba. Wiktionary dates the noun from 1990 and records no earlier use; the Ojibwe niizh manidoowag was constructed at the same conference and is equally recent.
Coined by
Participants at the 1990 Winnipeg conference, with primary attribution to Albert McLeod of Nisichawayasihk Cree Nation; Myra Laramee of Fisher River Cree Nation reported in 2021 that she had proposed the phrase
How common
Culturally localised
28 per cent of Indigenous LGBTQ young people in the United States
The coinage was primarily a ceremonial term promoting community recognition, and it is neither used nor accepted universally. Indigenous cultures that have roles for gender-nonconforming people have names for them in their own languages, and those roles differ widely from one nation to another. Not every culture has such a role, and no one culture's categories apply to all Native people. The umbrella now appears beside Third gender in general writing, and it was built for a narrower job.
Why the word was coined in Winnipeg
The phrase was worked out across a series of five conferences and settled at the third of them, the Inter-tribal Native American, First Nations, Gay and Lesbian American Conference held in Winnipeg in 1990. Primary attribution goes to Albert McLeod, of Nisichawayasihk Cree Nation, who has consistently credited the wider group of participants. In 2021 Myra Laramee, of Fisher River Cree Nation, reported that she proposed the phrase at that gathering after it came to her in a dream. The English term came first. The Ojibwe niizh manidoowag, from niizh for two and manidoo for spirit with the animate plural suffix -wag, was constructed afterwards, to honour the language of the peoples in whose territory the conference sat.
The purpose was separation: early adopters wanted a word that marked Indigenous understandings of gender and sexuality off from those of non-Native lesbians and gay men, and off from the vocabulary that had arrived with them: gay, lesbian, transgender. Michelle Cameron, of the Carrier First Nations, describes it as an Aboriginal-specific term of resistance to colonisation, and one that does not transfer to other cultures. The German anthropologist Sabine Lang makes a related observation from outside, that at the core of two-spirit identity is ethnicity, an awareness of being Native American rather than anything else.
One oddity in the record is that the hyphenated form already existed in English in an unrelated sense. Two-spirit was a theological adjective for the dualism of the Treatise on the Two Spirits in the Dead Sea Scrolls, and the Harvard Divinity School Bulletin used it that way in 1957. The noun this entry describes has no connection to it, and Wiktionary dates that noun from 1990 with no earlier use recorded.
Why berdache had to be replaced
The word displaced is berdache, which non-Native anthropologists had used for Indigenous people who did not conform to European-American gender roles. It means the passive partner in sodomy, or a boy prostitute, and it has been offensive to Indigenous peoples for as long as it has been in print. The journalist Mary Annette Pember, of the Red Cliff Ojibwe, has written that conference participants named replacing it as their motive.
The new word has had more academic and social acceptance than the one it replaced, though it has been controversial since its adoption. The Government of Canada writes 2SLGBTQI+, with the coinage at the front of the acronym. Wiktionary lists berdache among the entry's dated and offensive synonyms.
How colonial law drove the roles underground
Albert McLeod describes the imposition of Christian gender roles as central to the colonisation of Canada. As Canada extended its borders and territorial claims after 1867, new law enforced Christian forms of marriage and cohabitation, criminalised polygamy and same-sex relationships, and removed children into residential and day schools. Staff there divided children strictly by binary gender: separate dormitories and classrooms, often a prohibition on speaking to one another, sewing and domestic chores for the girls, woodworking and other trades for the boys. Children who showed non-binary gender expression or queer desire were punished severely.
Ma-Nee Chacaby, an Oji-Cree elder born in 1950 in Ombabika, a remote community in northwestern Ontario, disliked wearing girls' clothes, fished and hunted, and helped elders collect plant medicines. Neighbours mocked her and called her a devil child. Her grandmother, then over ninety and born before Canada existed, pushed back: she remembered a time when people like her granddaughter were respected, and said the child should be given room to develop her own preferences, talents and gifts. In the account the Canadian Museum for Human Rights published in 2024, Chacaby gives the words as "There's two great spirits living inside of you. One is a female, one is a male."
By the middle of the twentieth century the Indian Act, the reserve system and the power of the church had between them driven these roles out of sight, including inside the communities that had held them. Organised resistance to colonialism and to homophobia within Indigenous communities began to emerge in the late 1960s and 1970s.
What Indigenous languages call these roles
None of the older vocabulary translates as two spirits, and there is a great deal of it. Cree carries at least six expressions and Anishinaabemowin at least four, and Wiktionary's translation table runs to dozens of languages. The Ojibwe phrase coined in Winnipeg is a translation out of English, not one of these.
| Term | Language | What it names |
|---|---|---|
| ayahkwêw | Cree | a man who dresses, lives or is accepted as a woman |
| înahpîkasoht | Cree | a woman who dresses, lives or is accepted as a man |
| iskwêhkân | Cree | one who acts or lives as a woman |
| napêhkân | Cree | one who acts or lives as a man |
| ikwekaazo | Ojibwe | one who endeavours to be like a woman |
| ininiikaazo | Ojibwe | one who endeavours to be like a man |
| wíŋkte | Lakota | see Winkte |
| nádleeh | Navajo | one that reverts or becomes |
Walter Williams and Toby Johnson, writing in 2006, record wapetokeca alongside winkte in Lakota and gloss it as people with special powers. That gloss is the reason the criticism that follows has force: where gender-variant people appear in the historical record, they appear very often in a spiritual or ceremonial office, and a phrase with no ceremonial content can detach the role from the beliefs it belonged to. With 574 federally recognised tribes in the United States alone, critics inside Native communities hold that one umbrella risks erasing the words those communities already have.
Who is allowed to use the term
Early adopters stated that a two-spirit identity does not make sense outside a Native American or First Nations cultural framework, and that its use by non-Natives is seen as cultural appropriation. That position has held, and this catalogue follows it.
"The elders will tell you the difference between a gay Indian and a Two-Spirit," Joey Criddle told John Leland of the New York Times in October 2006, making the point that being gay and Indian does not by itself make a person two-spirit. Harlan Pruden and Se-ah-dom Edmo come at the same distinction from the other end, writing that most people now associate the term with LGBT Natives, while the work of two-spirit organisations sits closer to the traditional understanding.
What the surveys have actually counted
Very little, and what exists is not a prevalence figure. The Trevor Project's research brief on the diversity of nonbinary youth records 28 per cent of Indigenous LGBTQ young people in the United States using two-spirit about themselves. That is a share of a recruited sample of LGBTQ young people, and no general-population estimate exists. A 2020 nursing article introducing the term to that profession makes the same caution: the umbrella is convenient, and community-specific definitions and roles are more extensive and varied than it is.
What is disputed about the coinage
Attribution is unsettled. The non-Native anthropologist Will Roscoe receives much of the public credit, which Pember records while noting that Native people contributed too: Kristopher Kohl Miner of the Ho-Chunk Nation names the anthropologist Wesley Thomas, of the Diné, among them. Roscoe's involvement with the Radical Faeries, a non-Native group that emulated Native spirituality, is part of why that credit is contested.
The objection to the concept itself is separate. Criticism centres on the term's Western origins and influence, on the lack of emphasis on the traditions elders maintain, and on the risk of rendering those traditions indistinct. Two spirits, one female and one male, is a picture that assumes the male-female binary the word was meant to sit outside, and it locates the matter inside a person instead of in a role a community recognises. At the conferences themselves, some attendees said reservation communities would scorn the idea and never adopt the word. Writing in the Encyclopedia of Gender and Society in 2009, Kylan Mattias de Vries set the coinage against urbanisation and assimilation, which had moved Native people toward gay, lesbian, transgender and intersex and separated cultural identity from gender and sexuality; others have since called the word a capitulation to that process.
Set against those readings is the one Wiktionary records beside them, that the umbrella references several genders, sexes and sexualities at once and works as a self-identity label for reconnecting gender and sexual variance with Native culture and religion, rather than with Transgender or Genderqueer as those words are used elsewhere. Both readings sit in the same usage note, in that order, with nothing chosen between them.
Told apart
Two-Spirit vs Transgender and Third gender
- TransgenderTwo-Spirit was coined partly to hold this word off. It names a role a community recognises rather than a relation between identity and birth assignment, and it carries an ethnic requirement that transgender does not.

- Third genderOverlapping in use and not the same claim. Third gender is an anthropological description applied from outside; Two-Spirit was made from inside, for one set of peoples, and covers sexuality as well as gender.

- GenderqueerBoth are umbrellas, but Two-Spirit is closed to non-Indigenous people and grounded in ceremony and community role, which genderqueer makes no reference to.

Common questions
Questions about Two-Spirit
- Is Two-Spirit an ancient Native American word?
- No. It was coined in English in 1990 at the third of five inter-tribal gatherings, held in Winnipeg, and the Ojibwe phrase niizh manidoowag was constructed at the same conference to accompany it. Neither form appears in the historical record before that date. The roles it points at are old; the umbrella over them is not.
- Did the phrase two-spirit exist in English before 1990?
- Only in an unrelated sense. Two-spirit was a theological adjective for the dualism of the Treatise on the Two Spirits in the Dead Sea Scrolls, and the Harvard Divinity School Bulletin used it that way in 1957. The noun this entry describes has no connection to it, and Wiktionary dates that noun from 1990 with no earlier use recorded.
- Can a non-Indigenous person be Two-Spirit?
- No. Early adopters stated that the identity makes no sense outside a Native American or First Nations framework, and use by non-Native people is described as cultural appropriation. This catalogue follows that position.
- What did Two-Spirit replace?
- Berdache, the term non-Native anthropologists had used for Indigenous people who did not keep to European-American gender roles. It means the passive partner in sodomy, or a boy prostitute, and had been offensive to Indigenous people throughout its use. Mary Annette Pember has written that replacing it was the motive conference participants named.
- Why do some Native people object to the term?
- Two objections recur. One is that a single pan-Indigenous umbrella risks flattening the specific words that hundreds of separate communities already hold, and that a term with no ceremonial content can detach a role from the ceremonies it belonged to. The other is that the image of two spirits, one female and one male, assumes the Western binary the word was meant to sit outside, and describes an interior arrangement, not a recognised social position.
- Who coined Two-Spirit?
- Credit is usually given to several participants at the 1990 conference. Albert McLeod, of Nisichawayasihk Cree Nation, carries the primary attribution and has always pointed to the wider group; in 2021 Myra Laramee, of Fisher River Cree Nation, said she proposed the phrase after it came to her in a dream. The non-Native anthropologist Will Roscoe receives much of the public credit, which is contested.
Added 2026-08-28 · Revised 2026-09-07
The evidence behind the word
How thoroughly Two-Spirit has been counted
Not how common the word is. How much of a population anybody has actually measured it across, on a six-step scale where each step is defined by the kind of evidence it takes to reach it, never by a score. The full method.
Culturally localized
28 per cent of Indigenous LGBTQ young people in the United States
Trevor Project
Prevalence meaningful only within a specific culture or region; population estimate given where one exists (census, academic, NGO).
Measured against National censuses (India 2011, Pakistan 2017), academic studies (Winter, VanderLaan), NGO/journalism estimates
Gender Census and USTS are self-selected community samples (shares of the gender-diverse community, multi-select, checkbox lists change yearly), not population prevalence. Only Williams Institute and Ipsos provide general-population estimates. Culture-specific figures mix census counts, academic studies, and advocacy estimates - each row cites its source.
Nearby in the catalogue
Related entries
- TransgenderAn umbrella carrying a 1965 medical coinage and a 1994 antonym, and one of the very few figures in this subject that is a population estimate.

- Third genderThe comparative term for the gender positions outside man and woman, and why counting up to three is the part that its critics object to most.

- GenderqueerOlder than non-binary, nearly identical in definition, and kept by the people who want the political charge that the newer word deliberately dropped.

- NádleehíThe Diné word translates as changing one, not feminine male. Four genders, a creation story, and a category the two-spirit umbrella covers imperfectly.
