Enaree
The Enarei, singular enaree, were Scythian priestesses and soothsayers who were assigned male at birth and who, after what the Scythians understood as a divine transformation of their sex, took up feminine roles and lived as women. They served the ancestral Snake-Legged Goddess and the goddess Artimpasa, and they sat in the highest rank of the Scythian aristocracy.
What the record holds for Enaree
First documented
Undated
No first use has been pinned to a source. The catalogue does not guess a year, and an empty field is the honest output.
Coined by
Not on record. The word is in use with no traceable author, which is the ordinary case for vocabulary that grew inside a community rather than being announced.
How common
Historical / doctrinal
The Scythians left no writing that names them. Everything in the surviving record was set down by Greek authors, several of whom disapproved of the Enarei and blamed them for the sack of a temple, and the name the Enarei used for themselves has not come down at all. The office is therefore known from its critics and from the objects found in graves.
Why the Greeks called them unmanly
The English word comes from Enarees, the form Herodotus of Halicarnassus recorded, which renders a Scythian term anarya, unmanly. The Scythian word is built from a-, non, and narya, from nar-, man. Pseudo-Hippocrates got closer to the original with Anarieis.
The name that survives is a negation in somebody else's language. An enaree is named for what the office was held not to be rather than for what it was, it comes from writers who were hostile to them, and the Scythian word underneath it may not be what the Enarei or their neighbours called the office at all.
What the Enarei did in the cult
The Enarei belonged to the cult of Artimpasa and the Snake-Legged Goddess, two closely related figures whose forms were heavily shaped by the fertility goddesses of the Near East. The rites they conducted mixed indigenous Scythian shamanic practice, itself related to the practice of indigenous Siberian peoples, with material imported from Levantine religion. Some modern scholars hold that the Enarei served much the same purposes in the cult as priests of other genders.
Written evidence for what they did is thin and the archaeological evidence is wider. One ornamental panel of the third or fourth century BC shows an enaree pouring wine for a communion beside the chief priestess of the goddess. Funerals are the other documented setting: after a body was mummified and buried, the priests involved cleansed themselves in the vapour of cannabis, which Herodotus described as a tent ritual that left them howling with laughter. Saka tombs in Siberia have produced tripods, braziers, pelts and charcoal holding the remains of cannabis leaves and fruits, and a pot from one of the Pazyryk burials held cannabis fruits alongside a copper censer. None of that material names the Enarei specifically, and what it establishes is that priests of this cult were involved, which makes them among the earliest spiritual practitioners known to have used cannabis to reach altered states.
Pseudo-Hippocrates supplies the everyday description. The Enarei wore women's clothing, did women's work in the company of other women, and spoke with a feminine voice using the grammar assigned to women. Scythians regarded them as essentially different from other men because of the transformation, and the difference was read upward: the Enarei were respected, feared, and rich.
How the Enarei told the future
Their divination was distinct from the ordinary Scythian kind. Other soothsayers worked with willow withies; the Enarei used the inner bark of the linden, cut into three strips and plaited and unplaited around the fingers to produce an answer. Among Scythians in Russia the linden went on to serve as a symbol for the third gender, and for feminine-presenting people born male.
The office was consulted when the king fell ill, which the Scythians took as proof that somebody had sworn a false oath on the royal hearth. The enaree named a suspect, who denied it, at which point six further soothsayers were called. If they agreed, the accused was beheaded and his property divided among the Enarei who had accused him. If they cleared him, more soothsayers were called, and if the larger number found him innocent, the original accusers were loaded into an ox-drawn wagon packed with brushwood and burned alive with the oxen. Their sons were killed and their daughters spared. The procedure measures the office in both directions: the power to name a traitor and the price of naming the wrong one.
What the burials and the pole tops show
The regalia is inferred rather than described. The Enarei may have used drums, and antlered headdresses of the kind found in Saka horse burials and worn until recent times by Siberian shamans. What is not in doubt is the sceptres, capped with ornate pole tops and often hung with rattles, which functioned as marks of authority and have been found across the steppe from Mongolia to the Great Hungarian Plain. The oldest of them, from the eighth century BC in Tuva and the Minusinsk Basin, are topped with a stag or an ibex standing with its feet together as though perched on a rock. Later ones grow elaborate: from the Oleksandropilskiy kurhan come a goddess with her hands on her hips, a griffin in a frame with two bells hanging from it, and a third splitting into three branches, each carrying a bird of prey with a bell in its beak. The tinkling announced that the rites were about to begin.
Individual graves have been argued about. Eileen M. Murphy, writing on the Scythian burials at the Aymyrlyg cemetery in Siberia, points to remains showing slipped capital femoral epiphysis, a condition associated with delayed sexual development in males, and to individuals with chromosomal variations, as candidates for the people Herodotus described. Jeannine Davis-Kimball connects a high-status burial at Tillya Tepe in Afghanistan to the Enarei on different grounds: the person buried was male, dressed very like the priestesses in neighbouring graves, and accompanied by objects that do not usually appear in a man's burial.
How each age explained the Enarei
The Scythians' own explanation was hereditary and punitive. The Enarei were believed to be born repeatedly into particular families, and the condition was traced to a curse laid by Artimpasa on the warriors who sacked her temple at Ascalon, inherited ever after by their descendants. The context is a real expansion: during the seventh century BC the Scythians pushed into West Asia and their religion took on the shape of the Fertile Crescent's, and Ascalon held a temple of Astarte, an androgynous vegetation and fertility goddess credited with turning men into women and women into men, whom the Scythians identified with Artimpasa. Read from the other side, the Enarei combined the transformed shaman of the steppe with the gender non-conforming priesthoods of the West Asian Great Goddess: the Kelabim of Astarte, the Galli of Kubeleya, the Megabyzoi of Ephesian Artemis.
The steppe tradition told it as an elevation rather than a punishment. In indigenous Scythian shamanic terms the Enarei were transformed shamans who had changed their sex, and that made them the most powerful of shamans, feared and specially respected. Gender-crossing shamanism of the same kind, in which men gain prophecy and possession by giving up masculinity, survived among indigenous Siberians into recent times. The Enarei appear to have lived their early lives as men, with the transformation arriving later.
Greek and later European writers rationalised. Pseudo-Hippocrates put the androgyny down to impotence caused by riding horses and wearing trousers, and Clement of Alexandria to a feminising illness spread by the Scythian philosopher Anacharsis. The Hippocratic reading, under the name the disease of the Scythians, then had a long second life in European medicine, discussed across the writings of the 1500s to the 1700s. Pierre Petit, writing in 1596, took it for natural variation; by the 1700s writers had reclassified it as a melancholy or a hysterical disease; and in 1882 William A. Hammond wrote up the Pueblo mujerados by comparing them to it.
| Whose account | What it says produced the Enarei |
|---|---|
| Scythian belief, as reported in Greek | a curse laid by Artimpasa on the warriors who sacked the temple at Ascalon, inherited by their descendants |
| Steppe shamanic tradition | a transformation of sex marking out the most powerful class of shaman |
| Pseudo-Hippocrates | impotence brought on by riding horses and wearing trousers |
| Clement of Alexandria | a feminising illness spread by the philosopher Anacharsis |
| Pierre Petit, 1596 | natural variation |
| European medical writers of the 1700s | a melancholy, or a hysterical disease |
| William A. Hammond, 1882 | the same condition as the Pueblo mujerados |
| Walter Penrose and later scholars | Transgender, Intersex or Non-binary people |
The modern readings are translations into a vocabulary built long afterwards, in the same way the Greek ones were, and the Scythian explanation is itself only visible through writers who thought the Enarei had been cursed.
Told apart
Often confused with Enaree
- TransgenderOne of the modern readings Walter Penrose and others have offered. It carries the change of gender and drops the priesthood, the hereditary explanation and the aristocratic rank, all of which the Greek sources treat as inseparable from the office.

- IntersexAlso offered as a reading, and Eileen M. Murphy's work on the Aymyrlyg burials points to remains with delayed sexual development and chromosomal variations. The Scythians explained the same condition as a divine transformation rather than as a fact of the body at birth.

- Third genderThe category the linden came to symbolise among Scythians in Russia, according to the surviving account. It describes the position without naming the cult, which is what the Enarei were consulted for.

Common questions
Questions about Enaree
- What does the word enaree mean?
- Unmanly. The English form comes from Enarees, recorded by Herodotus, which renders a Scythian word anarya built from a-, non, and narya, from nar-, man. Pseudo-Hippocrates wrote it more accurately as Anarieis. The name is a negation supplied by outsiders, and nothing records what the Enarei called themselves.
- How did the Enarei divine?
- With the inner bark of the linden tree, cut into three strips and plaited and unplaited around the fingers, against the willow withies used by other Scythian soothsayers. Linden later became a symbol among Scythians in Russia for the third gender.
- Why were the Enarei consulted when the king was ill?
- Because a sick king was taken as evidence that somebody had sworn a false oath on the royal hearth. The Enarei named the suspect and six further soothsayers reviewed the accusation. If they upheld it the accused was beheaded and his property went to his accusers; if a larger group cleared him, the accusing Enarei were burned alive in an ox-drawn wagon.
- Were the Enarei transgender?
- Walter Penrose and other modern scholars have read them as transgender, intersex or non-binary, and each of those is a translation into a vocabulary built more than two thousand years later. The Scythians explained the same people as the inherited effect of a goddess's curse, and their own shamanic tradition explained them as the most powerful class of shaman.
- What is the Scythian disease?
- The name the Hippocratic Corpus gave the condition it ascribed to the Enarei, blaming impotence caused by riding horses without stirrups. European medical writers argued over it from the 1500s to the 1700s, Pierre Petit treating it as natural variation in 1596 and later writers as a psychiatric complaint.
Added 2026-08-29 · Revised 2026-09-07
The evidence behind the word
How thoroughly Enaree has been counted
Not how common the word is. How much of a population anybody has actually measured it across, on a six-step scale where each step is defined by the kind of evidence it takes to reach it, never by a score. The full method.
Historical / doctrinal
Category from religious-legal texts; no living population to measure.
Measured against Talmudic sources via My Jewish Learning, Jewish Encyclopedia
Gender Census and USTS are self-selected community samples (shares of the gender-diverse community, multi-select, checkbox lists change yearly), not population prevalence. Only Williams Institute and Ipsos provide general-population estimates. Culture-specific figures mix census counts, academic studies, and advocacy estimates - each row cites its source.
Nearby in the catalogue
Related entries
- TransgenderAn umbrella carrying a 1965 medical coinage and a 1994 antonym, and one of the very few figures in this subject that is a population estimate.

- IntersexA fact about bodies that nearly every gender list files as an identity, and two prevalence figures thirty times apart from one single source.

- Third genderThe comparative term for the gender positions outside man and woman, and why counting up to three is the part that its critics object to most.

- Akava'ineAn old Cook Islands word now carrying a much newer identity, shaped by Polynesian communities in New Zealand and carried back home to Rarotonga.
